Indonesia Conference Directory

Corresponding Author
Muhammad Febriansyah

Institutions
1. Universiti Sains Malaysia
2. Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia
3. Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia

Abstract
This paper examines the election monitoring in Indonesia with a specific focus on a unique element in Indonesian election that is the Bawaslu, an official institution established to observe and monitor the electoral process. Bawaslu had gained considerable authority since 2017, granted by the election law, to not only monitor and provide recommendations, but also has the power to intervene with the electoral process and to judge any electoral offence. In the case of 2019 concurrent election, Bawaslu-s newfound authority had caused it to be in a constant conflict with the KPU. It is also argued that Bawaslu-s existence is one of the causes that have led to the declining participation of local or international civil society in election monitoring in Indonesia. Despite the argument claiming that the phenomenon is a sign of Indonesian election is getting better, the diminishing role of civil society as monitoring agents in electoral process can also be viewed as a symptom of democratic backsliding. This research uses observational study to evaluate the 2019 concurrent election and interviews with people from KPU, Bawaslu, as well as local and international election monitoring NGOs in Indonesia. We argue that Bawaslu-s current role is not ideal in the Indonesian electoral system because the participation from civil society in election monitoring is still very much needed in democracy consolidation in Indonesia.

Keywords
Keywords: Election Monitoring, Bawaslu, Elections in Indonesia

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/W8NgKGA6nZXz

Corresponding Author
Suraya Mansur

Institutions
Universitas Mercu Buana Jakarta

Abstract
The Aims of this study to answer how the strategy of corporate social responsibility in keeping the constituents and what obstacles exist in the Election of Regional Head of DKI Jakarta in 2017? This study uses the theory of Political CSR that has emerged in the 2009 democratic election process in Indonesia. Political CSR Strategy has been used by the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera in political campaigns since the 2009 elections. This study uses the Constructivist paradigm. Research method with qualitative case study method. The key informants of this research are (1) Mardani Ali Sera M.Eng., Member of the House of Representatives, Commission II, PKS Faction, chairman of the Success Team of the candidate pair of Anies-Sandi.; (2) Ledia Hanifa Amaliah, Members of the Peoples Legislative Assembly, Commission X, PKS Faction, chairman of the public relations (PK) field of PKS DPP, one of the spokespersons of candidate pairs for Anies-Sandi; (3) Rahmat, Secretary at the Election Winning Body (Bappilu) DPP PKS; (4) Deddy Syahrul, General Manager of Ashidiq Cater Aqiqah. The data collection technique uses in-depth interviews, observations and documents. The data validity technique uses source triangulation. The data analysis technique begins with data reduction, data display, verification and conclusions. Finding: PKS strategy in the democratic process of regional elections in DKI Jakarta prioritizes sustainable programs as a form of party social responsibility as the implementation of the slogan "blessing for the people". PKS intensifies service activities for the community institutionalized in the form of a wing organization (wajihah). Implication: PKS must get closer to the media so that the PKS program through political CSR will change the image of PKS which was previously exclusively an open party.

Keywords
Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), Regional Head Election, Political CSR, Political Communication

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/ZWP7GXgvapAB

Corresponding Author
Aditya Perdana

Institutions
Department of Political Science Universitas Indonesia

Abstract
Although Indonesia elections have been passed for five times after the fall of authoritarian regime of Suharto in 1998 and always received an honour complimentary from international observers, however there are still major electoral frauds in Indonesia that need to be elaborated in scientific forums. Politicians in parliament and groups of civil society understood and worried on these problems. Institutional arrangement to reduce frauds and malpractices were purposed with the formation of new electoral judiciary council that functioned for overcoming violations and manipulations from the electoral management bodies (EMB), candidates, and also voters. This agency called The Council of Honorary of Electoral Management Bodies (DKPP). This study aims to answer why electoral management bodies in Indonesia are unable to reduce any electoral manipulations and frauds these days? The study wants to elaborate from DKPPs sentences on electoral frauds and malpractices for gaining reasons and motives from actors. This study contributes to fulfil the gap on study of electoral frauds and manipulations in new democracies, including Indonesian case. Findings of this study are: (1) some of local commissioners of EMBs are not able to become independent position and could be easily intervened by other political actors in elections because of family and relative relations with candidates; (2) The unsyncronized electoral tabulation voters data usually can be used by candidates as part of their manipulation strategies in the beginning of recapitulation of counting results; (3) vote buying or vote transaction are underground phenomena of political events that are involving voters, candidates and also electoral management officers. Usually they work together for manipulating counting results for particular candidates.

Keywords
Elections; Frauds; Malpractice; Party politics; Indonesia;

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/78JbnjdWG43R

Corresponding Author
Nuurrianti Jalli

Institutions
Faculty of Communication and Media Studies, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia

Faculty of Paramadina Graduate School of Communication, Indonesia

Abstract
Increasing Internet penetration across the globe and the wide distribution of false information on Internet platforms have resulted in the pressing need to study the effects of fake content on society. The advancement of technologies also had contributed to a more sophisticated false content could be produced. Widespread of forged images and realistic fake videos were made possible through computer-generated techniques. Several studies had been done by other scholars to study the influence of fake news during elections (see Allcott & Gentzkow, 2016; Persily, 2017). This research aims to look at the distribution of fake news during two elections in Southeast Asia, focusing on Malaysia 14th General Election in 2018 and Indonesia Presidential Election 2019; and how false information influenced political discourse. We employed two different methods for this study which were in-depth interviews with experts and social media analysis (SNA). We analyzed six different hashtags popular during these two elections and how these hashtags were used as conduits to share false information. For Malaysia, three specific hashtags were studied -

Keywords
Fake news, election, Malaysia, Indonesia, social media

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/dVqD8JrZBtpg

Corresponding Author
Asrinaldi Asril

Institutions
(1) Department of Political Science, Universitas Andalas, Padang, Indonesia, 25163
(2) Department of Mathematic Universitas Andalas, Padang, Indonesia, 25163
(3) Department of Public Administration, Universitas Andalas, Padang Indonesia, 25163

Abstract
After the simultaneous election, talks about the contestation of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and Prabowo Subianto in West Sumatra are still ongoing. Moreover, Jokowi suffered a landslide defeat in the 2019 elections, raising questions. Why could Jokowi lose in West Sumatra? Isnt the development project carried out in West Sumatra an important part of Jokowis strategy to bring him closer to the Minangkabau ethnic group in the past two years? In fact, Jokowis defeat in the 2019 Election was actually greater than in the 2014 elections. If in the 2014 Election Jokowi won 23.18 percent, while in the 2019 election only reached 14.1 percent. Of course this defeat still leaves talk in the public of West Sumatra, even though the presidential election has been completed. One of the things discussed is the future of West Sumatra after Jokowis defeat in the context of central-regional relations. Despite losing heavily in West Sumatra, Jokowi won nationally and returned to being president. This article explains the issues discussed in the political discussion of urban Minangkabau ethnic groups after Jokowis defeat, especially in coffee shops that often become informal places of discussion. How does the public perceive the future of West Sumatra in the central-regional relations after this presidential election? How do they understand Jokowis severe defeat in the conversation at the coffee shop? What are their hopes for President Jokowi in managing the government, especially for the people of West Sumatra? In addition, this article also wants to analyze the patterns of political communication that occurred in coffee shops after the simultaneous elections in 2019. In the final section, this article will elaborate more deeply on the implications for the concept of political communication in urban communities in West Sumatra related to the election results in their regions.

Keywords
Political Communication, Ethnic, Minangkabau, Election and Democracy

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/7H2LanhyuNYx

Corresponding Author
Sonny Eli Zaluchu

Institutions
Sekolah Tinggi Teologia Baptis Indonesia (STBI) Semarang

Abstract
The presence of religious symbols in the narrative and campaign for the 2019 general election in Indonesia concludes that religion can be a political tool for directing political choices. Religion and symbols are used as vehicles and a way to mobilize the masses to get the votes of voters. As a result, Indonesians are permissive to the phenomenon and are involved in the polarization of identity politics. Democracy, which should be the stage for fighting for ideas, turns into religious legitimacy against political interests. From the private sphere, religion turns into a political strategy in the public sphere. This article discusses and conducts a descriptive analysis of the use of religious narratives and symbols by Indonesian political actors seen from four approaches, namely religiosity, ritual expression, Religion and Public Role and Politics of Identity and Pop Culture. The findings through descriptive literature analysis show that the use of religious symbols is not related to the religious attitude of the Indonesian people and is not part of religious rituals. This attitude arises as an effort to build and carry out identity politics, to gain political interests and not for the interests of religion and religious people.

Keywords
Religion, Political of Identity, Religious Symbol, Indonesian Politics, Election

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/khQRjgMGp6Ka

Corresponding Author
jayum anak jawan

Institutions
Universiti Putra Malaysia, Serdang, Selangor, Malaysia

Abstract
The keynote address on Malaysia Politics and Government in the Post-2018 General Election-Change and Democratisation? focuses, first, on the issue of linking political change to democratisation. In the process, political change that Malaysia went through after the 2018 General Elections were being seen through the lense of democratisation. Many analyses proceeded from that basis, but some are now beginning to rethink whether the change that occurred in 2018 really has led to “more” democratisation. The second focus of the paper is arguing that change and democratisation may still happened but within the framework of Malaysia political system, and that the processes and events cannot really be judged based on indexes borrowed from other political system.  

Keywords
Malaysia, political change, democratisation, ethnic politics

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/NEUcmVGxLKt8

Corresponding Author
MOHSIN HASSAN KHAN

Institutions
1. Rashid Ali Khuhro
Lecturer, Center for Rural Development Communication, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan. 76080. +92229213219. rashid.khuhro[at]usindh.edu.pk
2. Ahmadi Mohiuddin
Graduate Student, Dept. of Media and Communication Studies, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan. 76080. iamhinaansari[at]gmail.com
3. Mohsin Hassan Khan (Corresponding Author & Presenter)
PhD Scholar Department of Media and Communication studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur Malaysia. Mohsin18516[at]gmail.com

Abstract
Political Campaign of PML-N through Press: A content analysis of Daily Dawn and Daily Times Rashid Ali Khuhro1, Ahmadi Mohiuddin2, Mohsin Hassan Khan3 The politicians and political parties are one of the leading newsmakers for all sorts of news media. In news media, most of the news stories represent politicians and political parties. During elections, the coverage gets a hype. The politicians want to disseminate their election manifestoes and the public try to get updated through media. This content analysis study examines the coverage of Pakistani Press about mainstream political party Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) during the election campaign of General Elections-2018. The researcher selected samples through systematic random sampling from 6 months coverage (February-July, 2018) of leading English language newspapers, i.e., Daily Dawn and Daily Times. The findings showed that in comparison to the Daily Times, the Daily Dawn gives more attention to PML-N. The research found that during the analysis of selected content that Daily times used in favorable tone against PMLN while Dawn newspapers remained neutral about the coverage of PMLN. This kind of studies should be conducted on other mainstream political parties of the country to the coverage patterns in mainstream and local newspapers.

Keywords
PML (N), Daily Dawn, Daily Times, General Elections-2018, Pakistan

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/cd4gu2MtxWAq

Corresponding Author
Kandung Sapto Nugroho

Institutions
Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa

Abstract
The proposal of this research basically aims to form a political education model / policy that can increase the political participation of young voting women in politics in Indonesia. This model is expected to be used as a reference and a model for organizers of general elections / regional elections and democratic actors such as political parties. Nowadays political education is getting worse along with the lower public trust in democratic institutions such as political parties. Political parties that cannot be separated from corruption, collusion and nepotism greatly undermine public trust in the current democratic system. Womens participation that has been mandated is at least 30 percent, still very lacking. With the Serang Regional Head General Election of Regional Head of Regional Election amounting to 426,159 voters where the number of Beginner Voters amounted to more than 40,000 (Banten News, 11/1/2017), female voters were not less than 20,000. For young female voters, those who first participated in or participated in the election / election activities still felt anxieties which had an impact on the high floating mass in the implementation of elections / elections. This research will attempt to portray the preference conditions of female beginner voters in the implementation of the 2018 Serang Regional Election. Through this research, it is hoped that this can be used as a policy model for organizers of elections / regional elections in either Serang City or Banten Province or other regions Beginner voter participation in implementing the democratic agenda both locally and nationally through effective and current political education. The conclusion of this study shows that what is an obstacle to the political participation of novice voters is that the political education factor is indeed still less intensive, especially from political party elements, even though the main motorbike is political parties as a form of responsibility for leadership leadership. politics based on information technology and the use of more massive social media. Suggestion given by the research team that the General Election Commission as the main actor in the implementation activities should maximize socialization and political education to the beginner voters on the basis of information technology and social media so that an increase in smart voters for better quality elections can be achieved and will lead to the improvement of the Democracy Index in Indonesia

Keywords
First-time Voters, Millennials Woman, Political education

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/jGtBn69Ukq2T

Corresponding Author
Drina Intyaswati

Institutions
Fakultas Ilmu Komunikasi Universitas Padjajaran Bandung

Abstract
This study wants to see political expressions on Youtube during the election campaign. Through the perspective of the Uses and Dependency that sees active users in using the media and the interaction with social and media systems, qualitative content analysis of comments from selected Youtube political content was carried out. Results show that Youtube facilitates political expression through comments with various forms of emotions (happy, curious, denial, sympathy, disappointment, excitement, anger, others). Comments were obtained as an effect of using YouTube, in the form of attitudes and statements about political choices. Content production also raises comments that trigger prosumer to be more creative and consumer to continue using youtube even though there are other media alternatives.

Keywords
campaign, emotion, political expression, Uses and Dependency, Youtube

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/Kutr73XvQxWh

Corresponding Author
Arief Rakhman

Institutions
Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Jambi

Abstract
Generation Z in Indonesia is the first Digital Native to be present in Indonesia and will immediately shift the millennial generation in various ways. The large number of population and characteristics that are different from previous generations make this group become a concern of many parties. Various surveys and studies show that there is a great enthusiasm for participation from this group in politics, this group needs different media media so that participatory forms can be well-accommodated, this is because the possibility of existing political participatory means is not very acceptable by them in this group. Things that are innovative and contain elements of novelty are considered to be suitable and considered to be able to accommodate the political aspirations of this native digital generation. it is probable that the desired form of political participation is not yet popular in Indonesia or is only known by this group. this will be a challenge in the future for all political stakeholders of this country, given the great potential for the good of this nation that comes from this generation Z group.

Keywords
Generation Z, Political Participation, Beginner Voter, Digital Native

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/HCeQg9PrMUqf

Corresponding Author
Iradhad Taqwa Sihidi

Institutions
University of Muhammadiyah Malang
Kampus III
Jl. Raya Tlogomas No.246 Malang, Jawa Timur
Phone: +62 341 464 318 (Hunting)
Fax: +62 341 460 435

Abstract
Political volunterism is often interpreted as part of the politics of citizenship in this 2019 simultaneous general election. This passion for political expression is rooted in the publics expectation of the presence of political figures who are pro on the public interest at large. Movable communities voluntarily mobilize their political resources to try to get the candidates who are elected. With strong energy and militancy, political volunteerism has proven to be able to help elect the candidates for the legislature in DPRD Malang. One of the candidates in question is Harvard Kurniawan, elected PDIP Candidates for DPRD Malang 2014-2019. This paper will then look in depth at how the pattern of political volunteerism works amid the logic of strong political pragmatism and the high cost of winning. This study uses a type of qualitative research with a descriptive approach. Data sources were obtained through interviews and observations and documentation. Data is processed through data collection, data reduction, data display and conclusion drawing. The concept of volunteerism is used as a theoretical reference.The results of the study show that volunteerism works by utilizing friendship relations, social capital and political networks owned by Harvard Kurniawan and his father. The association makes volunteers work sincerely in the winning process so that they are optimal in seeking support. Their movements also proved to be very solid, systematic and able to reduce political costs. This research has implications for the views of some of the public who accuse volunteerism of being difficult in the capital-intensive Indonesian electoral politics. In a skeptical view, volunteerism is merely a camouflage of evil political practices in order to get positive sympathy in society. The findings in this study at least answer these doubts.

Keywords
Volunterism, General Election, Political Strategy.

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/mnZKkfLJqxtA

Corresponding Author
Eva Leiliyanti

Institutions
Applied Linguistic Study Program, Universitas Negeri Jakarta

Abstract
The 2019 election Indonesia can arguably be seen as an intriguing election. Not only is it due to the virulent claim contestation between the presidential candidates- camps – Jokowi-s and Prabowo-s – especially towards the contested versions of the election results based on the real count (the process has not met its end result) and the quick count (Jokowi-s votes outnumbered Prabowo), but that the contestation itself represents the long-drawn-out contention that stemmed from the synthesis as well as cleavage of discursive ideological political strands of Nationalist/Islamic(/-st?). The smear campaign regarding politics of identity (questioning their Islamic credentials, leadership capability and political platforms) propagated by both camps has perennially circulated and proliferated not only since the 2014 Presidential election, but that it also accumulated since the 2012 Gubernatorial election of DKI province. The latter contested the obscure synthesis and/versus polarization of Nationalist/Islamic(-st?) strands represented by the incumbent, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Sino-Indonesian Christian DKIs former Governor, Jokowis Vice Governor) versus Anies baswedan (Indonesian Yemen Descent, Jokowis former Minister of Education and Culture). The aforementioned phenomenon foregrounds the presidential candidates- billboard advertisements. This paper investigates the scopes the presidential candidates- billboards represent the symbolic identity smear campaign in Indonesias post-truth era, deploying social semiotic and language evaluation theories. The preliminary finding demonstrates that from the six billboards investigated (three billboards represent each camp – deploying stratified purposeful sampling), both written and visual texts of the presidential candidates- billboards not only represent the discursive contestation of Nationalist/Islamic(/-st?) strands, but that they also reflects the relativization of each camp-s beliefs through the supremacy of softening messages aiming at short-circuiting the voters- critical, analytical senses (in this case in the form of textual contradiction) in Indonesia-s post-truth era.

Keywords
the 2019 election Indonesia, the presidential candidates- billboards, social semiotics, language evaluation theory, smear campaign in post truth era.

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/unh4PCVxfeGR

Corresponding Author
Bandiyah -

Institutions
Departmen of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Udayana University

Abstract
The regional head elections for governors and deputy governors of Bali in 2018 have succeeded in bringing I Wayan Koster and Cokorda Artha Ardhana Sukawati (Cok Ace) as governors and deputy governors of Bali for the period 2018 - 2022. Behind the victories and democratic events the election money politics to get voice support from certain candidate pairs. The political practice is wrapped in customary legality named danapunia. This paper aims to describe how politics and world practices are carried out and legalized using Pierre Bourdieus Habitus Theory perspective (M × H) + T = Practice. Description: M is capital, H is habitus and T is the domain or place. The method used descriptive qualitative by collecting data through in-depth interviews with selected informants. Informants were taken from representatives of the adat village and the auxiliary state of Bawaslu as institutions authorized to oversee election administration. This study produces several analyzes, namely: first, the practice of doxa explains and the world has sacred values, both in the teachings of Hinduism. This value shapes the mental cognition of agents and social structures in legalizing and danapunia in the political arena. Second, the practice of heterodoksa in habitus is presented by Bawaslu as an auxiliary state institution that does not have the power of formal law and the authority to carry out the oversight function of elections. Third, the practice of orthodoxa presented by the intervention of the PDIP political elite in perpetuating and promoting the world. Practices and worlds are supported by economic, cultural and symbolic capital resources carried out by political actors and Bali as the realm of the partial power of PDIP which is also a shaper of political and world practices.

Keywords
Bali governor general election, Danapunia, Pierre Bourdieu

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/jZ9DFXbwndhB

Corresponding Author
Wakhyudi Wakhyudi

Institutions
Pusdiklatwas Pengawasan

Abstract
The results of the general election (presidential choice and choice of legislative members) in Indonesia on April 17, 2019 are known in a short time through a quick count process. On the one hand, there are differences in attitudes from the two presidential candidates in dealing with quick count results. The average quick count results by several survey institutions place number 01 and 02 presidential candidate pairs with 56% of votes compared to 44%. Pair number 1 presidential and vice presidential candidates responded to the results of the quick count carefully. While the number 02 presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs denied that results and submitted the paired version of the quick count with a range of votes on his party of 62%. On the other hand, political parties contesting the general election have almost no difference in the results of the quick count of votes in the House of Representatives. The quick count results placed PDIP, Gerindra, and Golkar as the majority votes collectors in Senayan. This study aims to examine the differences in attitudes between presidential and vice-presidential candidates number 1 and number 2 on the results of the quick count of presidential and vice-presidential elections. This study also looks at the attitudes of political parties to the results of quick counts of legislative elections. This research is qualitative in nature based on news data in various mass media. The results of the study indicate that the results of the quick count in the presidential election process are more difficult to accept by the losing counts of the quick count version for various reasons, including questioning the credibility of the survey institution. The solution, the process of appointing and financing a quick counting survey institute is carried out by an independent institution. It also a great need to educate pairs of presidential candidates and their supporters about the scientific statistical method of quick count.

Keywords
reaction, quick count, survey institution.

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/kyNuvFqteLPf

Corresponding Author
Naufal Aufa Afaf

Institutions
Communication Science Study Program
Universitas Muhammadiyah Tangerang

Abstract
Abstract— The digital era enlivened by the growth of various social media platforms has become a distinction in the course of democracy today. Social media has implications for the creation of new discourses on the public sphere, network society, and political branding, which in the previous era only touched the off-line world, now transforming towards online. The active involvement of a candidate in the dynamics that occur in the digital world is believed to provide electoral incentives at the end of the fight. The electability of a politician in electoral contestation is also determined by the success of carrying out political branding through a network society formed in the world of social media. One of the forms of political branding on social media is through the hashtag war between candidates who fight. This study aims to see the extent to which social media forms the formation of network society and political branding through

Keywords
Social media, democracy, Network Society, Political Branding

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/qfXpmLaG2FPn

Corresponding Author
Warjio -

Institutions
(a) Department of political Science, faculty of social sciences, Universitas sumatera utara (USU), Medan-Indonesia, 20155

(b) Department of political Science, faculty of social sciences, Universitas sumatera utara (USU), Medan-Indonesia, 20155

Abstract
Abstract There is a very interesting relationship between political development and political parties, namely that both emerge as a response to the independence of the country. Malaysia and Indonesia are two countries that provide examples of how political development relations and political parties have a strong influence. Political development hopes to grow in a democratic space. But in reality, the political development in Malaysia and Indonesia at the beginning of these newly independent countries was in fact not like that especially because it was related to the existence of Islamic parties. The focus of this paper is how the development of Islamic party politics in Malaysia and Indonesia grows and develops? What is the response of the Malaysian and Indonesian governments to the emergence of the Islamic party? Is the democratic space given to the authorities by the Islamic parties? In answering the issue, the research method used is through the historical approach of archival and publishing documents. The results of the research conducted found that the political development of Islamic parties in Malaysia and Indonesia at the beginning of the establishment of the country received a negative response from the government. For reasons of development the government considers the party a barrier to development. The implication is that there is an attempt to break the Islamic party and make them enemies. So that the democratic process that should have grown in political development in Malaysia and Indonesia at the beginning of the two countries did not run fair.

Keywords
Democracy, Indonesia, Islamic Political parties, Malaysia, Political Development,

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/g34KPjV2Lndu

Corresponding Author
MUHAMAD TAKIYUDDIN ISMAIL

Institutions
Political Science Programme
Faculty of Social Science and Humanities
University Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM)
43000 Bangi
Selangor
Malaysia

Abstract
The influence of Japanese non-state actors including private foundations on internationalisation agendas has breathed a new life in Japanese democracy promotion which was previously dominated by the state actor. This exploratory article seeks to examine the form of democracy promotion channelled by Japanese non-state actors to Malaysia through a case study of two key Japanese non-state actors in Malaysia namely the Nippon Foundation and Sasakawa Peace Foundation. In the context of state actor, Japan is right behind the US as the second largest contributor of democracy assistance to Malaysia. However, it is rather difficult to pinpoint Japans contribution due to its ambiguous nature and great emphasis on governance assistance. Such approach had invited criticisms from democrat figures like Anwar Ibrahim who called for a more grounded approach and for Japanese government to emulate its non-state actors in democracy promotion agenda. Data however indicates that Japanese non-state actor approach of democracy promotion to Malaysia is rather “docile” and serves a complementary function to the Japanese government on the basis of track two diplomacy. This is contrary to role played by high profile non-state actors such as the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) (United States) and Stiftungen (Germany) that took a more aggressive approach in their democracy promotion strategies especially in Malaysia. Japanese non-state actors are also bound by the diplomatic code set by its government as well as restricted by the Japan-Malaysia good bilateral relations factor, despite its close engagement with civil society. However, the decrease of activities by Japanese non-state actors to Malaysia had raised questions

Keywords
Japanese democracy promotion, non-state actors, civil society organizations, Nippon Foundation, Sasakawa Peace Foundation, Anwar Ibrahim

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/erTMfNRjtQYZ

Corresponding Author
Yeby Ma-asan Mayrudin

Institutions
Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta

Abstract
This study seeks to conduct a critical analysis of the vision and practice of Political Islam held by the leading Islamic parties in Indonesia: PKS, PAN and PKB. Strategy and the methods adopted by the three parties are not always based linearly with Islamic style. The analysis will be directed at explaining their adaptive actions and changes in response to the concrete political realities and developments. Political Islam will be placed in the context not only in terms of identity and ideological elements but also in its intersection with efforts to achieve the targets of political power and success in general elections both in a short-term and a long term. The authors believe that the theme of Political Islam is very interesting after observing the phenomenon of national politics especially since 2017. Strengthened Islamic identity sentiment through the National Movement of Guarding MUI Fatwa or GNPF-MUI has undeniably attracted more public attention. Political mobilization against the case of blasphemy by the Governor of Jakarta at that time had opened crucial political spaces. Thus, the struggle for identity politics in Indonesia has become more dynamic and further study or research is highly needed. The development of the Islamic party in Indonesia to a certain degree shows the irony and paradox. In this study the authors used the method of Explanatory cases with a Qualitative approach. Explanatory case study methods is used to explain more deeply the research questions that focus on PKB, PAN, and PKS. Discourse on identity politics often used as a shield to advocate for their short-term political achievements. In turn, the struggle for Politic of Islamic identity may lead to all significant changes in internal party mechanisms and reinterpretation of party values in a more moderate direction and accommodating to their political environment.

Keywords
Political Islam, Islamic Party, Identity Politics, Election

Topic
Political Party and Election

Link: https://ifory.id/abstract/YtTvdQpbafEX